כי חסיד אני

"שָׁמְרָה נַפְשִׁי כִּי חָסִיד אָנִי הוֹשַׁע עַבְדְּךָ אַתָּה אֱלֹהַי הַבּוֹטֵחַ אֵלֶיךָ" (תהילים פ"ו, ב)

 

ילקוט שמעוני, תהלים פרק פו, סימן תתלד

"שמרה נפשי כי חסיד אני" -

ר' לוי ורבי יצחק, חד אמר: כך אמר דוד לפני הקב"ה: רבונו של עולם, לא חסיד אני?

שכל מלכי מזרח ומערב ישנים עד שלש שעות ביום ואני: "חצות לילה אקום להודות לך וגו'" (תהלים קי"ט, סב).

ואידך [=ואחר] (אמר): כך אמר דוד לפני הקב"ה: רבונו של עולם, לאו חסיד אני?

שכל מלכי מזרח ומערב יושבין אגודות אגודות בכבודן לפניהם, ואני ידי מלוכלכות בדם בשפיר ובשליא כדי לטהר אשה לבעלה,

ולא עוד, אלא כל מה שאני עושה אני נמלך במפיבשת רבי. ואומר לו: מפיבשת רבי, יפה דנתי, יפה חייבתי, יפה זכיתי, יפה טמאתי, יפה טהרתי, ולא בושתי.

 

 

 

ילקוט שמעוני - לקט אגדות, בדרך פירוש או דרשה, המלוקטות מהתלמוד ומספרי מדרש קדמונים, ומסודרות כסדר התנ"ך. חלוקות הדעות מי חיבר את הילקוט. הוא נזכר לראשונה בדברי האברבנאל. בילקוט שני חלקים: תורה, ובו 963 רמזים; נביאים וכתובים ובו 1085 רמזים.

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תפילה לכבוד ה'

 

מזמור פ"ו - המזמור היחיד המיוחס לדוד בספר השלישי - הוא מזמור שמתפלל אדם שאויביו רודפים אותו ומבקשים את נפשו. חלקו הראשון (א-ז) כולל בקשות לתשועה. חלקו השני (ח-יג) כולל תפילה לכבוד ה': תפילה אוניברסלית " כָּל-גּוֹיִם... יכַבְּדוּ לִשְׁמךֶ" (ט) ופרטית "יַחֵד לְבָבִי לְיִרְאָה שְׁמֶך... וַאֲכַבְּדָה שִׁמְך לְעוֹלָם" (יא-יב). חלקו השלישי (יד-יז) כולל תיאור של הצרה ובקשה לתשועה והצלה.

חלקו השני של המזמור כולל תפילה להכרה בכבוד ה'. בפסוקים ח-י מתפלל בעל המזמור שכל הגויים יכבדו את שם ה'. ובפסוקים יא-יב הוא מתפלל שהוא עצמו יכבד את שם ה'.

א. "יכַבְּדוּ לִשְׁמךֶ"

1. פסוקים ח-י נפתחים בהצהרה "אֵין כָּמוֹך בָא-להים א-דני", ומסתיימים בהצהרה "אַתָּה א-להים לְבַדּך". האם יש ניגוד בין שתי ההצהרות? כיצד ניתן לבארו?

2. השורש עש"ה מופיע בפסוקים ח-י שלוש פעמים והוא משמש כשורש מנחה. מהם ההקשרים השונים שבהם הוא מופיע וכיצד הוא מחזק את המסר של הפסוקים?

3. הניסוח "כָּל גּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתָ" מזכיר פס' בספר דברים כ"ו, יט "וּלְתִתְּך עֶלְיוֹן, עַל כָּל הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה, לִתְהִלָּה, וּלְשֵׁם וּלְתִפְאָרֶת, וְלִהְיתְֹך עַם קָדשֹׁ לַה' אֱ-להֶיך, כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֵּר". תפילות ונבואות על הגויים שיבואו וישתחוו לה' מופיעות במקרא, אך שילוב של מזמור בקשה של היחיד עם תפילה שהגויים יכירו בה' הוא שילוב ייחודי שמופיע שוב רק בתהילים כ"ב כח-כט. מדוע לדעתכם בעל המזמור משלב את הבקשה על הגויים כחלק ממזמור הבקשה לישועה מאויביו?

ב. "וַאֲכַבְּדָה שִׁמך לְעוֹלָם"

בפס' יא מופיעה תפילה ייחודית ובה מבקש בעל המזמור מה' שינחה אותו בדרכו על מנת שהוא יוכל להלך בה "הוֹרֵנִי ה' דַּרְכךֶּ אֲהַלֵּך בַּאֲמִתֶּך". בנוסף, הוא מבקש שה' יתערב באופן פעיל וישפיע על לבו "יַחֵד לְבָבִי לְיִרְאָה שְׁמֶך".

1. דימוי ה"לב הכפול", המנוגד ל"לב אחד", ידוע מכמה ביטויים במקרא. עיינו בתהילים י"ב, ג, ודה"א י"ב, לד, למי יש שני לבבות ולמי לב אחד או לב שלם?

2. בברכת אהבה שבברכות קריאת שמע אנחנו מתפללים "וְיַחֵד לְבָבֵנוּ לְאַהֲבָה וּלְיִרְאָה אֶת שְׁמֶך" ותפילתנו מבוססת על הנאמר במזמור. עיינו במקורות הבאים ועמדו על ייחודיותה של הבקשה המופיעה במזמור: ירמיהו ל"ב, לט; מל"א ח', נה-סא; תהילים קי"ט, לה-לו; דה"א כ"ט, י-יט.


למעבר לדף הלימוד המלא מתוך התכנית "מתן על הפרק"

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Shelach Lecha: Right People, Wrong Mission

Having the right people for the wrong job can lead to tragic consequences. Such was the fate of the meraglim. Twelve handpicked leaders, who represented the best the Jewish people had to offer, were to serve as the final link between Egyptian slavery and Israeli redemption. Yet something went terribly wrong and this was not to be.

In the forty days they spent on their mission these great leaders sowed the seeds of despair, pain and punishment. Yet it is not at all clear what exactly they did wrong. Should the meraglim not have told the people how difficult conquering the land might be? Some have argued that their mistake was in issuing an editorial opinion rather than just reporting the objective facts. But do we not expect our leaders to interpret and lead and not just report? That they were chosen for their mission in the first place clearly indicates that once the Jewish people would enter the land they could no longer rely on overt miracles to sustain them. In such an environment honest appraisals of the challenges ahead are most necessary.

The Malbim (Bamidbar 13:2) notes that there are two types of "spies", each with a distinct mission, and we mix the two at our own peril. The first type is quite common today among those who have decided to make, or are just contemplating making aliyah. One goes on a pilot trip to check out job prospects, educational opportunities, suitable housing, and so forth. For such a mission one enters the country with much fanfare, trying to gather as much information as possible, speaking to as many people as one can, from all walks of life. The more people who can join the pilot mission, the more likely one is to reap the benefits. One is seeking the strengths of the land as one prepares to immigrate. 

The second type is the military spy sent secretly to search for ways to conquer a land, to find the weaknesses of the land and thereby exploit them. One seeks to avoid the people at all costs and one sends as small a contingent as possible.

The tragedy of the meraglim is that they mixed up these very different missions. They were sent latoor et haaretz, to tour the land, to seek the beauty of the land and come back reenergized for the mission at hand. Nowhere in this story does the Torah refer to them as meraglim, military spies. Moshe's instructions were related to such issues as the environment, health and agriculture. “Go up there into the Negev and on into the hill country, and see what kind of country it is. Are the people who dwell in it strong or weak, few or many? Is the country in which they dwell good or bad? Are the towns they live in open or fortified? Is the soil rich or poor? Is it wooded or not? And take pains to bring back some of the fruit of the land”(Bamidbar 13:17-20).

Moshe picked great spiritual leaders, not military men, to lead the mission. Each tribe sent its own named representative as each of the tribes sought different qualities in the land they were to settle. 

It was Yehoshua, forty years later, who sent two unnamed meraglim, military spies "lachfor et haaretz", to "dig the land", and to gather intelligence for the upcoming conquest. Tragically, those chosen “latoor”, to seek the beauty of the land became meraglim reporting on the military challenges ahead. As important as the sending of meraglim may be, this group of religious leaders was ill-suited for the task at hand.

Conquering the land of Israel, both spiritually and physically, requires excellence in many areas - technical prowess, military might, economic stability, moral leadership, and more. Each Jew and each Jewish group has something to contribute. But we must know the areas of our strengths and weaknesses; where we can make a positive impact and where our involvement will have negative repercussions. Religious leaders must display moral leadership while it is the job of the military leaders to defend the land. We mix the two at our peril. May we merit to be able “latoor et haaretz”, to see the beauty of the land free from any need for meraglim.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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Raining on the Request for a King

     The haftara for Parashat Korach, taken from Sefer Shemuel I (11:14-12:22), tells of the assembly called by the prophet Shemuel after Benei Yisrael's resounding victory over the nation of Amon.  This was the first war waged since the crowning of Am Yisrael's first king, Shaul.  Shemuel gathers the people to "renew the coronation" (11:14), and at this assembly he delivers a lengthy address in which he reinforces the fundamental notion that in reality, God, not Shaul, is Benei Yisrael's king.  He reiterates his basic opposition to the idea of having a king, which might replace the prophet – God's messenger – as the nation's leader, and reminds the people that their success or failure in war ultimately depend not on their flesh-and-blood king, but on the true King of the world.

            Towards the end of his address, Shemuel declares:

 

"Now stand by and see the wondrous thing that the Lord will do before your eyes.  It is the season of the wheat harvest.  I will pray to the Lord and He will send thunder and rain; then you will take thought and realize what a wicked thing you did in the sight of the Lord when you asked for a king." (Shemuel I 12:16-17)

 

Sure enough, after Shemuel finishes speaking, a summertime thunderstorm – all but unheard of in the Middle East – suddenly rolls through, and the people become frightened.  They plead with the prophet, "Intercede for your servants with the Lord your God that we may not die, for we have added to all our sins the wickedness of asking for a king" (12:19).

            It is clear from the verses that Shemuel had it rain as an indication of God's anger over Benei Yisrael's request for a king.  But why did he choose specifically this demonstration?  What particular point did he wish to convey through this sudden, supernatural change of weather pattern?

            Rashi explains that Shemuel simply wanted to prove the unlimited power of his prayer.  Shemuel saw within Benei Yisrael's request for a king an element of skepticism in his ability to lead the nation to victory over their enemies.  Through this spectacle, he sought to show that he could accomplish through his prayer far more than any monarch could through his authority and military might.

            The Radak and Mahari Kara explain somewhat differently, that Shemuel here simply seeks to scare or warn Benei Yisrael.  The mishna in Masekhet Ta'anit (1:7) cites this verse from Sefer Shemuel as proof to the fact that rainfall after the month of Nissan constitutes a "siman kelala" – an ominous sign, forewarning catastrophe.  Shemuel thus had it rain to frighten the people and inform them that they are deserving of calamity because of their wrongdoing.

            Malbim, however, takes an entirely different approach to these verses.  Among the central issues that arise when studying Sefer Shemuel I is the seeming inconsistency between Shemuel's vehement opposition to the monarchy and the Torah's commandment to appoint a king (Devarim 17:15).  Why would Shemuel so strongly oppose the idea of appointing a king, if the Torah appears to not only sanction a monarchy, but require it?  Among the answers suggested is that of Rabbi Yehuda, cited in the Sifrei to Parashat Shoftim.  He claims that indeed, as the Torah indicates, a monarchy is desirable and even constitutes a Biblical command.  The problem lies in the timing.  Benei Yisrael requested a king too early in their history; the time for kingship had yet to arrive.  Malbim explains that the Torah calls for the establishment of a royal government only once Benei Yisrael settle in, so-to-speak, to a life governed by natural law.  In the meantime, however, Benei Yisrael still lived a miraculous existence; they had yet to reach the stage of national maturity where they could strike the delicate balance between natural living and recognition of divine providence.  It was therefore necessary for them to live under the rule and authority of a prophet, rather than of a king.

            This, Malbim writes, explains the significance of the unseasonable thunderstorm.  Rain is a great blessing, but only if it falls in its proper time.  Shemuel hoped to teach Benei Yisrael that the same could be said about the monarchy.  Though inherently acceptable and in fact obligatory, kingship will work only if it is introduced at the proper time.

 Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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Why did the Ammonite Threat Provoke the Israelites to Demand a King?

The haftara for Parashat Korach is taken from Sefer Shemuel I (chapter 12), and contains Shemuel's address to Benei Yisrael after the second – and conclusive – coronation of Shaul as king. Shemuel reiterates his disapproval of the nation's request for a king, and his presentation seems to shed some light on the nature of this request: "You saw that Nachash king of the Ammonites was advancing against you, and you said to me, 'No, we must have a king reigning over us' – even though the Lord your God is your king" (Shemuel I 12:12). Shemuel here implies that the nation's request of a king was prompted by the threat posed by the nation of Amon. The question arises, Benei Yisrael already found themselves threatened by the Pelishtim, the nation living along the Mediterranean coastline that terrorized Israel from the end of the period of the shoftim through the early part of King David's reign. If Shemuel's prophetic leadership sufficed to keep the Philistine threat at bay (see Shemuel I 7:13-14), why did they find it insufficient to ward off the Amonite threat?

We might suggest that the answer lies in the geographical difference between these two military threats. The Pelishtim threatened the Israelite heartland. They were situated in Eretz Yisrael itself, and would launch their offensives primarily against the territory of Yehuda, in the center of the country. (In fact, King David's decisive battle against the Pelishtim, as recorded in Sefer Shemuel II, chapter 5, occurred at Emek Refaim, near Jerusalem.) The Amonites, by contrast, resided along Israel's eastern border and threatened mainly the peripheral, sparsely populated Trans-Jordanian region. Indeed, shortly after King Shaul ascends the throne, the Amonite king threatens the people of Yavesh Gilad, a region to the east of the Jordan, and agrees to peace only on condition that they all remove an eye (Shemuel I, chapter 11). Benei Yisrael perhaps feared that when confronting a threat of this nature, that endangers peripheral communities, a strong, centralized government is necessary. A loose federation of tribes sufficed to ward off the Pelishtim, who threatened mainly the strongest and most influential tribe, Yehuda. But the people of Yavesh Gilad could be saved only with a centralized authority, which would bear equal responsibility for all the nation's citizens. It was therefore when the people foresaw the looming threat of Amon that they approached Shemuel and demanded a king.

The reason behind Shemuel's adamant opposition to the establishment of a kingship represents one of the most fundamental questions that must be addressed when studying Sefer Shemuel. The question becomes somewhat more pressing in light of what we have just discussed. Seemingly, the people advance a compelling argument. How could they ensure the security of outlying areas without a strong, centralized government?

One answer perhaps emerges from Rashi's approach to Shemuel's opposition, which he expresses in his commentary to Masekhet Sanhedrin (20b). According to Rashi (in explaining the Gemara), while the nation's elders asked for a king for purposes of law enforcement and judicial stability, which was an acceptable and even admirable request, the masses sought a king for military purposes, to fight their wars. Apparently, in Rashi's view, God did not want Benei Yisrael to feel dependent on a king, rather than on the Almighty, for military success. Indeed, the section of the Torah authorizing – and perhaps even requiring – the establishment of a monarchy begins, "If, after you have entered the land… and taken possession of it and settled in it, you decide, 'I will set a king over me… ' you shall indeed set a king over yourself" (Devarim 17:14-15). The Torah clearly speaks of establishing a kingdom only after Benei Yisrael's successful conquest and settlement of Eretz Yisrael. God wanted it to be perfectly clear that it was He, and not any human king, who led the nation to victory and won them the land. Only after the completion of this process were Benei Yisrael free, and perhaps obligated, to establish the monarchy.

Understandably, then, Shemuel did not see the Amonite threat as a reason to establish a kingship. The process of conquest and securing borders was to be led by only the King of kings, and not by a human monarch. Therefore, rather than responding to Amon by appointing a human ruler, he admonished them to turn to God for assistance.

In the end, of course, God instructed Shemuel to acquiesce to the nation's demand, and he indeed appoints Shaul, who routs the Amonites in battle. The question of why the Almighty sanctioned the appointment of a king at this time lies beyond the scope of our discussion.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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The Place was Called Nahal Eshkol - Why?

            Parashat Shelach tells of the meragelim (scouts) who were sent to scout Eretz Yisrael and bring a report back to the rest of the nation.  Among the places the scouts toured during their excursion was a place called Nachal Eshkol (“Eshkol Stream”).  The Torah tells that the group took some fruits from Nachal Eshkol to bring back and show the people, and adds that the location was named “Nachal Eshkol” to commemorate the “eshkol” (cluster) of grapes which they took from a vine at that site (13:24).

 

            A number of commentators addressed the question of why the Torah refers to this place by the name “Nachal Eshkol” even when it first speaks of the scouts’ arrival in this location (13:23).  If this name was given only after the scouts harvested some of its fruits, then why does the Torah write, “They came until Nachal Eshkol, and there they severed a branch...” – indicating that this had been its name even previously?

 

            The simplest answer, as Ibn Ezra explains, is that the Torah called the location “Nachal Eshkol” in retrospect, using the name that would eventually be assigned to this place.

 

            A different theory, however, was proposed by Rav Chayim Paltiel (late 13th century), who claimed that the site had been called “Nachal Eshkol” even before the scouts’ excursion.  Rav Chayim Paltiel noted that Nachal Eshkol is mentioned as the scouts’ first stop after arriving in the city of Chevron, perhaps suggesting that Nachal Eshkol is within relatively close proximity to Chevron.  As we know from Sefer Bereishit (13:18), part of Chevron was called “Elonei Mamrei” (“Plains of Mamrei”), referring to a man named Mamrei who was a confidant of Avraham (Bereishit 14:13,23).  Mamrei had two brothers named Aner and Eshkol (Bereishit 14:13), both of whom appeared to have been close allies of Avraham.  Rav Chayim Paltiel speculates that Eshkol perhaps lived near his comrade Mamrei, and, just as Mamrei’s area became known as “Elonei Mamrei,” the stream or valley in Eshkol’s region similarly assumed the name “Nachal Eshkol.”  Thus, the scouts came to a place that had already been named “Nachal Eshkol,” and after taking a cluster of grapes from the site they affirmed this name in commemoration of the “eshkol” that they had taken.

 

            Rav Chayim Kanievsky, in his work Ta’ama De-kra, also proposes this theory, adding that the Torah spells the word Eshkol differently in the two verses.  In recounting the scouts’ arrival in Nachal Eshkol, the Torah spells the word without the letter vav, whereas in recording the naming of the site Nachal Eshkol in commemoration of the scouts’ cluster, it spells it with the letter vav.  This might indicate that these are two different names.  The first refers to the individual Eshkol, while the second commemorates the cluster taken by the scouts.

 

            Rav David Mandelbaum, in his Pardes Yosef He-chadash, suggests a different reason for why the Torah calls the place Nachal Eshkol even before it tells of the cluster taken by the spies.  Possibly, there had been a stream in that area called Nachal Eshkol, and the scouts assigned this name also to the adjacent area in commemoration of the cluster of grapes they took from that site.  According to this theory, then, the two verses that mention Nachal Eshkol refer to two different places: the stream that had originally born this name, and the location nearby from where the scouts took a cluster of grapes.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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Was Me'arat HaMachpela (The Makhpela Cave) inside Hebron?

We noted the verses in Sefer Yehoshua (21:11-12) that describe how the city of Chevron was distributed after Benei Yisrael’s conquest of Canaan.  The city itself was designated as a city of kohanim, one of the forty-eight cities that Benei Yisrael were to allocate for the tribe of Levi (see Bamidbar 35:1-8).  The areas outside the city, we read, were given to Kalev.  As the Torah tells in Parashat Shelach (14:24), God promised after the incident of the sin of the spies that Kalev, one of the two dissenting spies, would receive “the land to which he had come,” which the Gemara (34b) explains as referring to Chevron.  During the spies’ excursion, the Gemara comments, Kalev left the group to visit the graves of the patriarchs in Chevron, and he was rewarded by receiving this region – Chevron – as his and his offspring’s personal possession.  The verse in Sefer Yehoshua clarifies that this applied only to the suburbs outside the city, as the city itself was designated for kohanim.

 

            It naturally emerges from this discussion that Me’arat Ha-makhpela, the patriarchal burial site, was situated outside the ancient city of Chevron.  If, as the Gemara claims, God’s promise to Kalev referred to the area which he scouted – Me’arat Ha-makhpela – and this area turned out to be the outlying areas of Chevron, rather than the city itself, then we might conclude that the Makhpela Cave was outside the city.  This should not be altogether surprising, as in ancient times graveyards were generally situated outside the cities, and this is in fact mandated by Halakha (Bava Batra 25a).

 

            Indeed, the Torah clearly states in Sefer Bereishit (23) that Me’arat Ha-makhpela was situated in the “sadeh” that had belonged to Efron, and which he sold to Avraham.  Professor Yehuda Kiel, in the Da’at Mikra commentary there in Bereishit, notes that the Biblical term “sadeh” often denotes the open land outside residential areas.  Accordingly, Me’arat Ha-makhpela was located outside the city, in Efron’s “sadeh.”  Furthermore, the Torah in Sefer Bereishit (23:19) describes Me’arat Ha-makhpela as being situated “al penei Mamrei” – which means either “in front of Mamrei” or “to the east of Mamrei.”  Rav Yaakov Fish, in his Mat’amei Yaakov (Jerusalem, 5740), interprets this to mean that Efron’s fields were located outside Elonei Mamrei, a name for the city of Chevron.

 

            We should also note that there appear to have been different nations inhabiting the Chevron region.  As mentioned, Chevron – or at least part of Chevron – was also named Elonei Mamrei (Bereishit 13:18), which was named after an Emorite named Mamrei, who was a comrade of Avraham (Bereishit 14:13).  This might suggest that Chevron was an Emorite city.  Indeed, in the tenth chapter of Sefer Yehoshua, we read of the battle waged against Benei Yisrael by “all the Emorite kingdoms dwelling on the mountain range” (“kol malkhei ha-Emori yoshevei ha-har” – Yehoshua 10:6), which included the kingdom of Chevron.  Yet, the area of Me’arat Ha-makhpela in Avraham’s time was situated in an area inhabited by the Chittim, and later, in Kalev’s time, it was inhabited by the mighty “yelidei ha-anak” tribe (as we mentioned yesterday).  It is likely that a stable Emorite kingdom was situated in the actual city of Chevron, whereas the outlying areas were settled by various different tribes.  Interestingly enough, Rav David Mandelbaum, in his Pardeis Yosef He-chadash (Parashat Shelach), cites a source identifying the “yelidei ha-anak” as the descendants of Efron, in which case the “yelidei ha-anak” are actually the same tribe as the Chittim.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion -  www.etzion.org.il

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Kalev and Hebron

     We read in Parashat Shelach of God’s decree in the wake of the sin of the scouts that the entire generation would perish in the wilderness, and their children would enter Eretz Yisrael.  The exception was Kalev, who had opposed the other spies and encouraged the people to proceed into the land.  God promised, “But My servant Kalev…I will bring him to the land to which he had come…” (14:24).  Similarly, in Moshe’s account of cheit ha-meragelim in Sefer Devarim (1:36), God promises, “I shall give him [Kalev] the land upon which he treaded.”

 

            Rashi (to 14:24 and 13:22) explains this promise as referring to a more specific reward than permission to enter Eretz Yisrael.  Earlier (13:22), when the Torah describes the scouts’ excursion into the land, it speaks of their arrival in the city of Chevron in the singular form (“va-yavo ad Chevron”).  Rashi, citing the Gemara (Sota 34b), explains that this refers to Kalev, who temporarily left the other spies to pray at the patriarchs’ burial site in Chevron.  After his courageous opposition to the other spies when they presented their findings to the people, God rewarded Kalev by promising that he and his descendants would be given rights to the city of Chevron, where he had gone to pray.  Indeed, as Rashi notes, we are told toward the beginning of Sefer Shofetim (1:20) that Benei Yisrael gave the city of Chevron to Kalev.  This is also mentioned in Sefer Yehoshua (14), where we read that Kalev approached Yehoshua, recounted the story of the spies and God’s promise, and requested the city of Chevron.  He asks that Yehoshua give him “this mountain of which the Lord had spoken that day,” clearly indicating that God had assigned to him specifically the hill of Chevron.

 

            A bit more detail regarding Kalev’s possession of Chevron is given several chapters later in Sefer Yehoshua (21:11-12), where Chevron is listed among the cities that were allocated for the leviyim.  More specifically, Chevron was designated as a city of residence for kohanim.  However, the verse adds, “sedei ha-ir” (“the city’s fields”) were given to Kalev, and not to the kohanim, in fulfillment of God’s promise.  Rashi, in his commentary to Masekhet Makkot (10a), explains this term as referring to the small villages outside the city.  Thus, Kalev did not receive the city of Chevron itself – which was assigned as a city of kohanim – but rather the outlying areas around the city.

 

            Malbim, in his commentary to Sefer Yehoshua (chapter 15), notes that this distinction between the city and its suburbs helps reconcile what would otherwise appear as contradictory accounts of the Israelite conquest of Chevron.  In the tenth chapter of Sefer Yehoshua (verse 37), we read that the Israelite army led by Yehoshua captured the city of Chevron, whereas in chapter 15 (verse 14), we find that Kalev, after Yehoshua granted him the city of Chevron, courageously captured the region from the fearsome “yelidei ha-anak” tribe that had inhabited it.  As the Malbim explains, it seems that Yehoshua captured the actual city of Chevron – which would later be designated as a city of kohanim – and Kalev seized the suburban areas around the city from the “yelidei ha-anak.” 

 

Indeed, as mentioned earlier, Kalev was promised the “land upon which he treaded” – meaning, the area where he had independently gone during the spies’ excursion through Eretz Yisrael.  And here in Parashat Shelach, when the Torah records Kalev’s visit to Chevron, it writes, “…he came to Chevron, and there were Sheshai, Achiman and Talmai, the ‘yelidei ha-anak’.”  The Torah specifies that Kalev’s pilgrimage was to the area of the “yelidei ha-anak.”  Naturally, then, the area he received was specifically the region inhabited by these “yelidei ha-anak,” which was the area he had visited during the spies’ excursion, as opposed to the city itself, which was given to the kohanim.

 

 Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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תפילה לישועה שלמה

 

מזמור פ"ה הוא בעיקרו מזמור המייחל לשפעת גשמים וליבול אדמה מבורך. המזמור נמנה עם תפילות הבקשה הלאומיות והוא מורכב משלושה חלקים מרכזיים. הבית הראשון (ב-ד) מגולל את חסד ה' עם עמו בעבר "רָצִיתָ ה' אַרְצֶך שַׁבְתָּ, שְׁבִית יַעֲקבֹ." (ב), וענינו פריון האדמה לאחר עצירת גשמים קשה. הבית השני (ה-ח), הוא בקשה לישועה, המנוסחת בלשון כללית, והבית השלישי (ט-יד) כולל הבטחה לפריון האדמה לאחר עונה שחונה.

התפילה הפותחת את הבית השני "שׁוּבֵנוּ אֱלהֵי יִשְׁעֵנוּ" (ה) מפתיעה לאור השיבה המתוארת בבית הראשון "שַׁבתְּ שְׁביִת יַעֲקבֹ" (ב), ו"השֱִׁיבוֹתָ, מֵחֲרוֹן אַפּך" (ד). להבנת מקומה של התפילה עיינו במקורות הבאים:

מדרש תהילים פה ג: ...אמרו בני קרח עד מתי אתם אומרים 'שובו בנים שובבים' (ירמיהו ג', יד), ישראל אומרים לך שוב אתה בתחלה, שנאמר 'שובה ה' עד מתי' (תהילים צ', יג), ואתה אומר לא כי אלא שובה ישראל בתחלה, לא אתה תשוב לעצמך, ולא אנו נשוב לעצמנו, אלא שנינו כאחד, שנאמר 'שובנו א-להי ישענו' (תהילים פ"ה, ה)...

מלב"ים: נשא עונם וכסה חטאתם, שנשיאת עון מורה שהעון ישנו עדיין במציאות רק ה' סובל אותו, וכן החטא שהוא השוגג י''ל מציאות רק שה' כסהו לפי שעה, ובגאולה האחרונה יעביר ה' את העונות לגמרי שלא יהיו עוד במציאות כלל, וזה סימן שאינה הגאולה האמתיית, שעליה הבטחנו: 1. שיהיה הקיבוץ כללי וגאולה שלמה ובלי השתדלות אדם. 2. שלא יהיה רק מהתפעלות הרחמים לפי שעה, אבל יהיה לעולם כמ''ש ובחסד עולם רחמתיך. 3. שיבוטל מדת כעסו לגמרי ולא יהיה עון במציאות כלל.

ע' חכם: מסתבר שנאמר המזמור מעקרו בימי ישועה מצרה קשה שעברה על העם והארץ. הישועה החלה לצמח, אבל לא היתה זו עדין ישועה שלמה. על כן המשורר פותח בהודיה לשעבר ועובר לבקשה לעתיד, והכונה: כשם שהחלת להושיענו והבאתנו עד הלום, כן תוסיף להושיענו גם לבא.

ב' גזונדהייט: לאחר כפרת החטאים של העבר (פס' א-ד), חסרה עדיין תחושת השמחה והחסד בתהליך התשובה. בחלק השני (פס' ה-ח) מתייחס המשורר לתיקון מערכת היחסים הנוכחית בין ה' וישראל, עם בקשה לחסדי ה' ולישועתו בעתיד. במסגרת התהליך של שיפור היחסים ההדדיים בין ה' לעמו, עם ישראל הוא היוזם את השינוי, ומבקש מה' לסיים לחלוטין את תקופת הכעס, ולשוב ולהחיות מחדש את הקשר עם עמו .... לא נאמר פה "השיבנו", אלא דווקא "שובנו", כביטוי של תשובת ה' וישראל ביחד: "שוב אתה והשיבנו" (רש"י), כי התשובה היא תהליך הדדי. ייחודה של תשובה זו כתהליך הדדי מנוסחת במדרש, אשר מאפיין בצורה קולעת את רוח הפרק: "לא אתה תשוב לעצמך ולא אנו נשוב לעצמנו – אלא שנינו כאחד".


למעבר לדף הלימוד המלא מתוך התכנית "מתן על הפרק"

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