השבת והמזמור

 

"מזמור שיר ליום השבת, טוב להודות לה' ולזמר לשמך עליון" (א-ב). כך נפתח מזמור צ"ב בתהילים, המזמור היחיד המקושר לזמן ממעגל השנה. אך במה מתבטא הקישור שלו לשבת מלבד הכותרת? כיצד תוכן המזמור מתאים לשבת?

במשנה המפרטת את חלוקת המזמורים ל"שיר של יום" במקדש, החותמת את מסכת תמיד מופיע: "בשבת היו אומרים: מזמור שיר ליום השבת. מזמור שיר לעתיד לבוא, ליום שכולו שבת ומנוחה לחיי העולמים" (תמיד ז, ד). על פי המשנה, אם כן, המזמור עוסק בגמולם הטוב של הצדיקים ועונשם של הרשעים הצפוי בעולם הבא. אך עדיין לא ברור כיצד קשורה השבת לתורת הגמול הזו?

בגמרא בסנהדרין צז. מופיעה התפיסה שהעולם נברא לששת אלפי שנים ובאלף השביעי הוא חוזר לתוהו, בדומה למודל השמיטה. אם כל אלף משול לאחד מששת ימי המעשה, אז האלף השביעי, שבו ה' ידון את עולמו, נמשל לשבת. אם כך, יום השבת שעליו נאמר המזמור מתייחס בעצם ליום הדין, שאחריו "יחרב העולם" כלשון הגמרא.

כיוון אחר, שאותו מציע המלבי"ם, רואה את המזמור לא כמתייחס לאירוע מסוים, אלא מתאר באופן כללי את השגחת הקב"ה על עולמו. והרי כל מטרת יום השבת היא להעיד לכל באי עולם כי העולם נברא ומונהג בידי הקב"ה, ששום דבר לא קורה באקראיות. היום המתאים ביותר לתפיסה זו הוא השבת ובו מתאים להגיד את המזמור שמזכיר כי הכל מכוון מלמעלה, וכי בסוף הצדיקים יבואו על שכרם והרשעים על עונשם.


הכותבים במדור זה הינם חברי ארגון נח"ת - נוער חובב תנ"ך המהווה בית ללימוד תנ"ך בידי הנוער

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על מחלת האומה ומכאוביה

"שִׁיר מִזְמוֹר לִבְנֵי קֹרַח לַמְנַצֵּחַ עַל מָחֲלַת לְעַנּוֹת מַשְׂכִּיל לְהֵימָן הָאֶזְרָחִי" (תהילים פ"ח, א)

 

שיר "על מחלת לענות", הוסד על חולה המתיאש הצועק בחליו, ויען שתפלה הזאת מתחלתה עד סופה אין בה תנחומים רק צעקת שבר ותכלית היאוש, אומר כי הוסד "לענות", לצעוק ולהרים קול.

ויש בדבר משל ומליצה שהחולה הפרטי הצועק הוא משל אל הגוף הכללי שהוא גוף האומה הישראלית שנדמה כחולה הבא עד שערי מות, ונדמה כאילו מת כבר ושוכב בקבר, שזה משל על אבדן מלכותה, ומה שנשבתה מהיות לגוי ופיזר האומה בין עמים רבים אשר כבשום לעבדים ושפחות, שזה יצויר כקבר ושאול בו נקבר הגוף הכללי, כמו שאמר: "הנני פותח את קברותיכם [עמי]" (יחזקאל ל"ז, יב), רק שהם עוד מרגישים צרותיהם ומכאוביהם כגוף חי המרגיש מכאוביו, ועל זה אמר "משכיל להימן", שיש בו דברי שכל טוב על מחלת האומה ומכאוביה.

 

 

 

מלבי"ם - ר' מאיר לייבוש בן יחיאל מיכל (1809-1879), נולד בפולין ונפטר ברוסיה. רוב שנותיו נדד במזרח אירופה ושימש כרב בערים אחדות. בפירושו לתורה, "התורה והמצווה", מביא את מדרשי ההלכה ודן בהם בהשוואה לפשט הפסוקים תוך דיוקים בדקדוק המקרא.

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המשורר שהוא לא איוב

 

המזמור נחלק לשני חלקים המחולקים גם הם לפסקות: בחלק הראשון (א-ח) - בפסקה הראשונה (א) אמירה כללית על הבוטח בה'; בפסקה השנייה (ב) תקוותו של הדובר שה' יגן עליו; בפסקה השלישית (ג-ח) מענה החבר; בחלק השני (ט-טז) - בפסקה הרביעית (ט) דברי המשורר; בפסקה החמישית (י-יג) מענה החבר ובפסקה השישית (יד-טז) דברי ה'.

למעשה לפנינו שני מחזורים של מענות: בתחילה פותח המשורר בתיאור תקוותו שה' יהיה "מחסי ומצודתי" (ב) ולאחר מכן החבר עונה לו. במחזור השני המשורר פותח במילים דומות לאלו שנזכרות בפתיחת המזמור: "עליון שמת מעונך" (ט) -"ישב בסתר עליון" (א); "כי אתה ה' מחסי" (ט) - "מחסי ומצודתי" (ב). כך גם רק בשני קטעים אלו מוזכר שם ה'. החבר עונה שוב, והפעם במענה כללי יותר במקום הפירוט שבפסקה המקבילה. בסוף המחזור השני מופיעים דברי ה', שאכן ישמור על המשורר: "כי בי חשק ואפלטהו, אשגבהו כי ידע שמי" (יד).

שיח של דובר ומענות מוכר לנו היטב מספר איוב. שם איוב מתווכח עם רעיו לגבי הגמול שהביא לו ה'. אלא שכאן בניגוד לספר איוב, המשורר אינו בעמדת המתלונן. המשורר מפוחד מהסכנות שאורבות לו, וחברו מחזק אותו ואומר לו "כי הוא יצילך מפח יקוש מדבר הוות!" (ג). החבר צריך לשכנע את המשורר שלא יפחד ולא יחשוש, שהרי ה' יהיה איתו. כך גם ה' מקבל את דבריו של החבר ואכן מבטיח למשורר ש"עמו אנכי בצרה" (טו) ולכן "ארך ימים אשביעהו ואראהו בישועתי" (טז). לאחר הבטחת ה' המזמור מסתיים - והמשורר כנראה השתכנע.

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כי חסיד אני

"שָׁמְרָה נַפְשִׁי כִּי חָסִיד אָנִי הוֹשַׁע עַבְדְּךָ אַתָּה אֱלֹהַי הַבּוֹטֵחַ אֵלֶיךָ" (תהילים פ"ו, ב)

 

ילקוט שמעוני, תהלים פרק פו, סימן תתלד

"שמרה נפשי כי חסיד אני" -

ר' לוי ורבי יצחק, חד אמר: כך אמר דוד לפני הקב"ה: רבונו של עולם, לא חסיד אני?

שכל מלכי מזרח ומערב ישנים עד שלש שעות ביום ואני: "חצות לילה אקום להודות לך וגו'" (תהלים קי"ט, סב).

ואידך [=ואחר] (אמר): כך אמר דוד לפני הקב"ה: רבונו של עולם, לאו חסיד אני?

שכל מלכי מזרח ומערב יושבין אגודות אגודות בכבודן לפניהם, ואני ידי מלוכלכות בדם בשפיר ובשליא כדי לטהר אשה לבעלה,

ולא עוד, אלא כל מה שאני עושה אני נמלך במפיבשת רבי. ואומר לו: מפיבשת רבי, יפה דנתי, יפה חייבתי, יפה זכיתי, יפה טמאתי, יפה טהרתי, ולא בושתי.

 

 

 

ילקוט שמעוני - לקט אגדות, בדרך פירוש או דרשה, המלוקטות מהתלמוד ומספרי מדרש קדמונים, ומסודרות כסדר התנ"ך. חלוקות הדעות מי חיבר את הילקוט. הוא נזכר לראשונה בדברי האברבנאל. בילקוט שני חלקים: תורה, ובו 963 רמזים; נביאים וכתובים ובו 1085 רמזים.

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תפילה לכבוד ה'

 

מזמור פ"ו - המזמור היחיד המיוחס לדוד בספר השלישי - הוא מזמור שמתפלל אדם שאויביו רודפים אותו ומבקשים את נפשו. חלקו הראשון (א-ז) כולל בקשות לתשועה. חלקו השני (ח-יג) כולל תפילה לכבוד ה': תפילה אוניברסלית " כָּל-גּוֹיִם... יכַבְּדוּ לִשְׁמךֶ" (ט) ופרטית "יַחֵד לְבָבִי לְיִרְאָה שְׁמֶך... וַאֲכַבְּדָה שִׁמְך לְעוֹלָם" (יא-יב). חלקו השלישי (יד-יז) כולל תיאור של הצרה ובקשה לתשועה והצלה.

חלקו השני של המזמור כולל תפילה להכרה בכבוד ה'. בפסוקים ח-י מתפלל בעל המזמור שכל הגויים יכבדו את שם ה'. ובפסוקים יא-יב הוא מתפלל שהוא עצמו יכבד את שם ה'.

א. "יכַבְּדוּ לִשְׁמךֶ"

1. פסוקים ח-י נפתחים בהצהרה "אֵין כָּמוֹך בָא-להים א-דני", ומסתיימים בהצהרה "אַתָּה א-להים לְבַדּך". האם יש ניגוד בין שתי ההצהרות? כיצד ניתן לבארו?

2. השורש עש"ה מופיע בפסוקים ח-י שלוש פעמים והוא משמש כשורש מנחה. מהם ההקשרים השונים שבהם הוא מופיע וכיצד הוא מחזק את המסר של הפסוקים?

3. הניסוח "כָּל גּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתָ" מזכיר פס' בספר דברים כ"ו, יט "וּלְתִתְּך עֶלְיוֹן, עַל כָּל הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה, לִתְהִלָּה, וּלְשֵׁם וּלְתִפְאָרֶת, וְלִהְיתְֹך עַם קָדשֹׁ לַה' אֱ-להֶיך, כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֵּר". תפילות ונבואות על הגויים שיבואו וישתחוו לה' מופיעות במקרא, אך שילוב של מזמור בקשה של היחיד עם תפילה שהגויים יכירו בה' הוא שילוב ייחודי שמופיע שוב רק בתהילים כ"ב כח-כט. מדוע לדעתכם בעל המזמור משלב את הבקשה על הגויים כחלק ממזמור הבקשה לישועה מאויביו?

ב. "וַאֲכַבְּדָה שִׁמך לְעוֹלָם"

בפס' יא מופיעה תפילה ייחודית ובה מבקש בעל המזמור מה' שינחה אותו בדרכו על מנת שהוא יוכל להלך בה "הוֹרֵנִי ה' דַּרְכךֶּ אֲהַלֵּך בַּאֲמִתֶּך". בנוסף, הוא מבקש שה' יתערב באופן פעיל וישפיע על לבו "יַחֵד לְבָבִי לְיִרְאָה שְׁמֶך".

1. דימוי ה"לב הכפול", המנוגד ל"לב אחד", ידוע מכמה ביטויים במקרא. עיינו בתהילים י"ב, ג, ודה"א י"ב, לד, למי יש שני לבבות ולמי לב אחד או לב שלם?

2. בברכת אהבה שבברכות קריאת שמע אנחנו מתפללים "וְיַחֵד לְבָבֵנוּ לְאַהֲבָה וּלְיִרְאָה אֶת שְׁמֶך" ותפילתנו מבוססת על הנאמר במזמור. עיינו במקורות הבאים ועמדו על ייחודיותה של הבקשה המופיעה במזמור: ירמיהו ל"ב, לט; מל"א ח', נה-סא; תהילים קי"ט, לה-לו; דה"א כ"ט, י-יט.


למעבר לדף הלימוד המלא מתוך התכנית "מתן על הפרק"

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Shelach Lecha: Right People, Wrong Mission

Having the right people for the wrong job can lead to tragic consequences. Such was the fate of the meraglim. Twelve handpicked leaders, who represented the best the Jewish people had to offer, were to serve as the final link between Egyptian slavery and Israeli redemption. Yet something went terribly wrong and this was not to be.

In the forty days they spent on their mission these great leaders sowed the seeds of despair, pain and punishment. Yet it is not at all clear what exactly they did wrong. Should the meraglim not have told the people how difficult conquering the land might be? Some have argued that their mistake was in issuing an editorial opinion rather than just reporting the objective facts. But do we not expect our leaders to interpret and lead and not just report? That they were chosen for their mission in the first place clearly indicates that once the Jewish people would enter the land they could no longer rely on overt miracles to sustain them. In such an environment honest appraisals of the challenges ahead are most necessary.

The Malbim (Bamidbar 13:2) notes that there are two types of "spies", each with a distinct mission, and we mix the two at our own peril. The first type is quite common today among those who have decided to make, or are just contemplating making aliyah. One goes on a pilot trip to check out job prospects, educational opportunities, suitable housing, and so forth. For such a mission one enters the country with much fanfare, trying to gather as much information as possible, speaking to as many people as one can, from all walks of life. The more people who can join the pilot mission, the more likely one is to reap the benefits. One is seeking the strengths of the land as one prepares to immigrate. 

The second type is the military spy sent secretly to search for ways to conquer a land, to find the weaknesses of the land and thereby exploit them. One seeks to avoid the people at all costs and one sends as small a contingent as possible.

The tragedy of the meraglim is that they mixed up these very different missions. They were sent latoor et haaretz, to tour the land, to seek the beauty of the land and come back reenergized for the mission at hand. Nowhere in this story does the Torah refer to them as meraglim, military spies. Moshe's instructions were related to such issues as the environment, health and agriculture. “Go up there into the Negev and on into the hill country, and see what kind of country it is. Are the people who dwell in it strong or weak, few or many? Is the country in which they dwell good or bad? Are the towns they live in open or fortified? Is the soil rich or poor? Is it wooded or not? And take pains to bring back some of the fruit of the land”(Bamidbar 13:17-20).

Moshe picked great spiritual leaders, not military men, to lead the mission. Each tribe sent its own named representative as each of the tribes sought different qualities in the land they were to settle. 

It was Yehoshua, forty years later, who sent two unnamed meraglim, military spies "lachfor et haaretz", to "dig the land", and to gather intelligence for the upcoming conquest. Tragically, those chosen “latoor”, to seek the beauty of the land became meraglim reporting on the military challenges ahead. As important as the sending of meraglim may be, this group of religious leaders was ill-suited for the task at hand.

Conquering the land of Israel, both spiritually and physically, requires excellence in many areas - technical prowess, military might, economic stability, moral leadership, and more. Each Jew and each Jewish group has something to contribute. But we must know the areas of our strengths and weaknesses; where we can make a positive impact and where our involvement will have negative repercussions. Religious leaders must display moral leadership while it is the job of the military leaders to defend the land. We mix the two at our peril. May we merit to be able “latoor et haaretz”, to see the beauty of the land free from any need for meraglim.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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Raining on the Request for a King

     The haftara for Parashat Korach, taken from Sefer Shemuel I (11:14-12:22), tells of the assembly called by the prophet Shemuel after Benei Yisrael's resounding victory over the nation of Amon.  This was the first war waged since the crowning of Am Yisrael's first king, Shaul.  Shemuel gathers the people to "renew the coronation" (11:14), and at this assembly he delivers a lengthy address in which he reinforces the fundamental notion that in reality, God, not Shaul, is Benei Yisrael's king.  He reiterates his basic opposition to the idea of having a king, which might replace the prophet – God's messenger – as the nation's leader, and reminds the people that their success or failure in war ultimately depend not on their flesh-and-blood king, but on the true King of the world.

            Towards the end of his address, Shemuel declares:

 

"Now stand by and see the wondrous thing that the Lord will do before your eyes.  It is the season of the wheat harvest.  I will pray to the Lord and He will send thunder and rain; then you will take thought and realize what a wicked thing you did in the sight of the Lord when you asked for a king." (Shemuel I 12:16-17)

 

Sure enough, after Shemuel finishes speaking, a summertime thunderstorm – all but unheard of in the Middle East – suddenly rolls through, and the people become frightened.  They plead with the prophet, "Intercede for your servants with the Lord your God that we may not die, for we have added to all our sins the wickedness of asking for a king" (12:19).

            It is clear from the verses that Shemuel had it rain as an indication of God's anger over Benei Yisrael's request for a king.  But why did he choose specifically this demonstration?  What particular point did he wish to convey through this sudden, supernatural change of weather pattern?

            Rashi explains that Shemuel simply wanted to prove the unlimited power of his prayer.  Shemuel saw within Benei Yisrael's request for a king an element of skepticism in his ability to lead the nation to victory over their enemies.  Through this spectacle, he sought to show that he could accomplish through his prayer far more than any monarch could through his authority and military might.

            The Radak and Mahari Kara explain somewhat differently, that Shemuel here simply seeks to scare or warn Benei Yisrael.  The mishna in Masekhet Ta'anit (1:7) cites this verse from Sefer Shemuel as proof to the fact that rainfall after the month of Nissan constitutes a "siman kelala" – an ominous sign, forewarning catastrophe.  Shemuel thus had it rain to frighten the people and inform them that they are deserving of calamity because of their wrongdoing.

            Malbim, however, takes an entirely different approach to these verses.  Among the central issues that arise when studying Sefer Shemuel I is the seeming inconsistency between Shemuel's vehement opposition to the monarchy and the Torah's commandment to appoint a king (Devarim 17:15).  Why would Shemuel so strongly oppose the idea of appointing a king, if the Torah appears to not only sanction a monarchy, but require it?  Among the answers suggested is that of Rabbi Yehuda, cited in the Sifrei to Parashat Shoftim.  He claims that indeed, as the Torah indicates, a monarchy is desirable and even constitutes a Biblical command.  The problem lies in the timing.  Benei Yisrael requested a king too early in their history; the time for kingship had yet to arrive.  Malbim explains that the Torah calls for the establishment of a royal government only once Benei Yisrael settle in, so-to-speak, to a life governed by natural law.  In the meantime, however, Benei Yisrael still lived a miraculous existence; they had yet to reach the stage of national maturity where they could strike the delicate balance between natural living and recognition of divine providence.  It was therefore necessary for them to live under the rule and authority of a prophet, rather than of a king.

            This, Malbim writes, explains the significance of the unseasonable thunderstorm.  Rain is a great blessing, but only if it falls in its proper time.  Shemuel hoped to teach Benei Yisrael that the same could be said about the monarchy.  Though inherently acceptable and in fact obligatory, kingship will work only if it is introduced at the proper time.

 Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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Why did the Ammonite Threat Provoke the Israelites to Demand a King?

The haftara for Parashat Korach is taken from Sefer Shemuel I (chapter 12), and contains Shemuel's address to Benei Yisrael after the second – and conclusive – coronation of Shaul as king. Shemuel reiterates his disapproval of the nation's request for a king, and his presentation seems to shed some light on the nature of this request: "You saw that Nachash king of the Ammonites was advancing against you, and you said to me, 'No, we must have a king reigning over us' – even though the Lord your God is your king" (Shemuel I 12:12). Shemuel here implies that the nation's request of a king was prompted by the threat posed by the nation of Amon. The question arises, Benei Yisrael already found themselves threatened by the Pelishtim, the nation living along the Mediterranean coastline that terrorized Israel from the end of the period of the shoftim through the early part of King David's reign. If Shemuel's prophetic leadership sufficed to keep the Philistine threat at bay (see Shemuel I 7:13-14), why did they find it insufficient to ward off the Amonite threat?

We might suggest that the answer lies in the geographical difference between these two military threats. The Pelishtim threatened the Israelite heartland. They were situated in Eretz Yisrael itself, and would launch their offensives primarily against the territory of Yehuda, in the center of the country. (In fact, King David's decisive battle against the Pelishtim, as recorded in Sefer Shemuel II, chapter 5, occurred at Emek Refaim, near Jerusalem.) The Amonites, by contrast, resided along Israel's eastern border and threatened mainly the peripheral, sparsely populated Trans-Jordanian region. Indeed, shortly after King Shaul ascends the throne, the Amonite king threatens the people of Yavesh Gilad, a region to the east of the Jordan, and agrees to peace only on condition that they all remove an eye (Shemuel I, chapter 11). Benei Yisrael perhaps feared that when confronting a threat of this nature, that endangers peripheral communities, a strong, centralized government is necessary. A loose federation of tribes sufficed to ward off the Pelishtim, who threatened mainly the strongest and most influential tribe, Yehuda. But the people of Yavesh Gilad could be saved only with a centralized authority, which would bear equal responsibility for all the nation's citizens. It was therefore when the people foresaw the looming threat of Amon that they approached Shemuel and demanded a king.

The reason behind Shemuel's adamant opposition to the establishment of a kingship represents one of the most fundamental questions that must be addressed when studying Sefer Shemuel. The question becomes somewhat more pressing in light of what we have just discussed. Seemingly, the people advance a compelling argument. How could they ensure the security of outlying areas without a strong, centralized government?

One answer perhaps emerges from Rashi's approach to Shemuel's opposition, which he expresses in his commentary to Masekhet Sanhedrin (20b). According to Rashi (in explaining the Gemara), while the nation's elders asked for a king for purposes of law enforcement and judicial stability, which was an acceptable and even admirable request, the masses sought a king for military purposes, to fight their wars. Apparently, in Rashi's view, God did not want Benei Yisrael to feel dependent on a king, rather than on the Almighty, for military success. Indeed, the section of the Torah authorizing – and perhaps even requiring – the establishment of a monarchy begins, "If, after you have entered the land… and taken possession of it and settled in it, you decide, 'I will set a king over me… ' you shall indeed set a king over yourself" (Devarim 17:14-15). The Torah clearly speaks of establishing a kingdom only after Benei Yisrael's successful conquest and settlement of Eretz Yisrael. God wanted it to be perfectly clear that it was He, and not any human king, who led the nation to victory and won them the land. Only after the completion of this process were Benei Yisrael free, and perhaps obligated, to establish the monarchy.

Understandably, then, Shemuel did not see the Amonite threat as a reason to establish a kingship. The process of conquest and securing borders was to be led by only the King of kings, and not by a human monarch. Therefore, rather than responding to Amon by appointing a human ruler, he admonished them to turn to God for assistance.

In the end, of course, God instructed Shemuel to acquiesce to the nation's demand, and he indeed appoints Shaul, who routs the Amonites in battle. The question of why the Almighty sanctioned the appointment of a king at this time lies beyond the scope of our discussion.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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The Place was Called Nahal Eshkol - Why?

            Parashat Shelach tells of the meragelim (scouts) who were sent to scout Eretz Yisrael and bring a report back to the rest of the nation.  Among the places the scouts toured during their excursion was a place called Nachal Eshkol (“Eshkol Stream”).  The Torah tells that the group took some fruits from Nachal Eshkol to bring back and show the people, and adds that the location was named “Nachal Eshkol” to commemorate the “eshkol” (cluster) of grapes which they took from a vine at that site (13:24).

 

            A number of commentators addressed the question of why the Torah refers to this place by the name “Nachal Eshkol” even when it first speaks of the scouts’ arrival in this location (13:23).  If this name was given only after the scouts harvested some of its fruits, then why does the Torah write, “They came until Nachal Eshkol, and there they severed a branch...” – indicating that this had been its name even previously?

 

            The simplest answer, as Ibn Ezra explains, is that the Torah called the location “Nachal Eshkol” in retrospect, using the name that would eventually be assigned to this place.

 

            A different theory, however, was proposed by Rav Chayim Paltiel (late 13th century), who claimed that the site had been called “Nachal Eshkol” even before the scouts’ excursion.  Rav Chayim Paltiel noted that Nachal Eshkol is mentioned as the scouts’ first stop after arriving in the city of Chevron, perhaps suggesting that Nachal Eshkol is within relatively close proximity to Chevron.  As we know from Sefer Bereishit (13:18), part of Chevron was called “Elonei Mamrei” (“Plains of Mamrei”), referring to a man named Mamrei who was a confidant of Avraham (Bereishit 14:13,23).  Mamrei had two brothers named Aner and Eshkol (Bereishit 14:13), both of whom appeared to have been close allies of Avraham.  Rav Chayim Paltiel speculates that Eshkol perhaps lived near his comrade Mamrei, and, just as Mamrei’s area became known as “Elonei Mamrei,” the stream or valley in Eshkol’s region similarly assumed the name “Nachal Eshkol.”  Thus, the scouts came to a place that had already been named “Nachal Eshkol,” and after taking a cluster of grapes from the site they affirmed this name in commemoration of the “eshkol” that they had taken.

 

            Rav Chayim Kanievsky, in his work Ta’ama De-kra, also proposes this theory, adding that the Torah spells the word Eshkol differently in the two verses.  In recounting the scouts’ arrival in Nachal Eshkol, the Torah spells the word without the letter vav, whereas in recording the naming of the site Nachal Eshkol in commemoration of the scouts’ cluster, it spells it with the letter vav.  This might indicate that these are two different names.  The first refers to the individual Eshkol, while the second commemorates the cluster taken by the scouts.

 

            Rav David Mandelbaum, in his Pardes Yosef He-chadash, suggests a different reason for why the Torah calls the place Nachal Eshkol even before it tells of the cluster taken by the spies.  Possibly, there had been a stream in that area called Nachal Eshkol, and the scouts assigned this name also to the adjacent area in commemoration of the cluster of grapes they took from that site.  According to this theory, then, the two verses that mention Nachal Eshkol refer to two different places: the stream that had originally born this name, and the location nearby from where the scouts took a cluster of grapes.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion - www.etzion.org.il

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Was Me'arat HaMachpela (The Makhpela Cave) inside Hebron?

We noted the verses in Sefer Yehoshua (21:11-12) that describe how the city of Chevron was distributed after Benei Yisrael’s conquest of Canaan.  The city itself was designated as a city of kohanim, one of the forty-eight cities that Benei Yisrael were to allocate for the tribe of Levi (see Bamidbar 35:1-8).  The areas outside the city, we read, were given to Kalev.  As the Torah tells in Parashat Shelach (14:24), God promised after the incident of the sin of the spies that Kalev, one of the two dissenting spies, would receive “the land to which he had come,” which the Gemara (34b) explains as referring to Chevron.  During the spies’ excursion, the Gemara comments, Kalev left the group to visit the graves of the patriarchs in Chevron, and he was rewarded by receiving this region – Chevron – as his and his offspring’s personal possession.  The verse in Sefer Yehoshua clarifies that this applied only to the suburbs outside the city, as the city itself was designated for kohanim.

 

            It naturally emerges from this discussion that Me’arat Ha-makhpela, the patriarchal burial site, was situated outside the ancient city of Chevron.  If, as the Gemara claims, God’s promise to Kalev referred to the area which he scouted – Me’arat Ha-makhpela – and this area turned out to be the outlying areas of Chevron, rather than the city itself, then we might conclude that the Makhpela Cave was outside the city.  This should not be altogether surprising, as in ancient times graveyards were generally situated outside the cities, and this is in fact mandated by Halakha (Bava Batra 25a).

 

            Indeed, the Torah clearly states in Sefer Bereishit (23) that Me’arat Ha-makhpela was situated in the “sadeh” that had belonged to Efron, and which he sold to Avraham.  Professor Yehuda Kiel, in the Da’at Mikra commentary there in Bereishit, notes that the Biblical term “sadeh” often denotes the open land outside residential areas.  Accordingly, Me’arat Ha-makhpela was located outside the city, in Efron’s “sadeh.”  Furthermore, the Torah in Sefer Bereishit (23:19) describes Me’arat Ha-makhpela as being situated “al penei Mamrei” – which means either “in front of Mamrei” or “to the east of Mamrei.”  Rav Yaakov Fish, in his Mat’amei Yaakov (Jerusalem, 5740), interprets this to mean that Efron’s fields were located outside Elonei Mamrei, a name for the city of Chevron.

 

            We should also note that there appear to have been different nations inhabiting the Chevron region.  As mentioned, Chevron – or at least part of Chevron – was also named Elonei Mamrei (Bereishit 13:18), which was named after an Emorite named Mamrei, who was a comrade of Avraham (Bereishit 14:13).  This might suggest that Chevron was an Emorite city.  Indeed, in the tenth chapter of Sefer Yehoshua, we read of the battle waged against Benei Yisrael by “all the Emorite kingdoms dwelling on the mountain range” (“kol malkhei ha-Emori yoshevei ha-har” – Yehoshua 10:6), which included the kingdom of Chevron.  Yet, the area of Me’arat Ha-makhpela in Avraham’s time was situated in an area inhabited by the Chittim, and later, in Kalev’s time, it was inhabited by the mighty “yelidei ha-anak” tribe (as we mentioned yesterday).  It is likely that a stable Emorite kingdom was situated in the actual city of Chevron, whereas the outlying areas were settled by various different tribes.  Interestingly enough, Rav David Mandelbaum, in his Pardeis Yosef He-chadash (Parashat Shelach), cites a source identifying the “yelidei ha-anak” as the descendants of Efron, in which case the “yelidei ha-anak” are actually the same tribe as the Chittim.

Courtesy of Yeshivat Har Etzion -  www.etzion.org.il

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